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3 North Korean defectors visit Delaware to express thanks

WILMINGTON, Del. (AP) — Among North Korea’s most wanted is a 13-year-old boy with a bowl haircut who wears Nikes and steals glances at his smartphone.

Flanked by two North Korean activists who had arranged for his escape from a brutal regime, last month Kim Moon Hyuk — who uses an alias to protect his identity — was introduced to some of the Cab Calloway School of the Arts students who funded his lifesaving journey.

Wiping away tears, their shoulders shaking, a half-dozen students in Cab’s global humanitarian club encircled Kim in a Newark living room Tuesday afternoon. Outside, frozen raindrops pelted the driveway, a reminder that this intimate gathering would have never come to pass had a nor’easter not intervened.

Earlier in the day, the North Koreans appeared at a human rights forum hosted by Appoquinimink High School. A public event at the University of Delaware that evening was canceled due to the storm.

As a result, Kim made an impromptu visit to the home of a Cab teacher to meet with his benefactors. Just a few years ago, he assumed that all Americans were “bastards,” using their images to practice toy shooting games.

He admitted that he was nervous to set foot on U.S. soil for the first time.

“I heard about the gun violence in America,” Kim explained through an interpreter. “That’s why I’m afraid.”

Ruled by one family with an iron fist for 70 years, North Korea has been called the Hermit Kingdom and the most isolated country in the world, where starving families commit suicide while the elite frequent luxury Pyongyang department stores. More than 31,000 North Korean defectors entered South Korea from 1998 to 2017, according to South Korea’s Unification Ministry.

Cab’s 60-member club, P4, sold more than $2,800 in holiday cards over two years to fund a major leg of Kim’s journey from China to South Korea. The boy had been diagnosed with leukemia, according to his mother, and was left to deteriorate in North Korea, where it’s estimated that 40 percent of the country’s 25 million people live below the poverty line.

“I’m living every day to prepare for unification,” Kim, a cancer survivor and budding activist, told the students. “I want to help North Korea and South Korea become one country.”

“You make it possible to have this vision and this dream.”

“It was just so surreal that we could meet someone who could’ve died,” said Cecilia Tadlock, a Cab junior who is studying Korean and wants to devote her career to advocating for the North Korean people.

“One by one,” she said, “we’re helping a country.”

How a trio of North Korean defectors, including one recently highlighted in President Donald Trump’s State of the Union Address, wound up in tiny Delaware on this frigid first day of spring is a tribute to the personal relationships forged years prior.

In 2015, Ji Seong-ho, a North Korean double amputee with uncrushable courage, was a featured speaker at the Oslo Freedom Forum.

After watching a video of Ji’s speech on Facebook, Wilmington businessman Brian DiSabatino was shocked not only by Ji’s harrowing story, but by the neglected humanitarian crisis in North Korea.

“When you hear the story, you have to be dead not to be moved by the struggle, the strength and the faith this kid has,” DiSabatino said of Ji, who is now in his mid-thirties.

A few months later, DiSabatino, the chief executive of EDiS, a major construction management firm in Wilmington, coordinated Ji’s first trip to Delaware. The polite, bespectacled activist toured Longwood Gardens, dined at the Charcoal Pit, met with Delaware’s congressional delegation and spoke at multiple schools.

“The intention was to bring a ripple of understanding and empathy,” DiSabatino remembered.

Cab piano teacher Margaret Badger, who founded P4, attended one of those assemblies. Over the years, the school club has funded literacy efforts in Pakistan and supported Syrian refugees and Rohingya refugees on the border of Myanmar and Bangladesh.

Badger sprang into action, enlisting students to design holiday cards and gather flash drives for North Koreans with information about democracy and the West. In North Korea, the Internet is highly restricted.

“As a teacher, what I’m most grateful for is that students believe that they can make a difference,” she said recently.

DiSabatino never pegged himself a “social justice warrior.” Yet Ji personalized the North Koreans’ plight in a way that elicited a visceral response. Movies like “The Interview,” which pokes fun at the assassination of North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, barely scratched the surface. News alerts about the growing nuclear threat posed by North Korea ignored daily life under a totalitarian state.

Ji exemplifies the “power of one person.” said DiSabatino.

Now an international human rights icon, Ji grew up during the North Korean famine of the mid-1990s that killed 1 million people, including his grandmother. He and his family survived on roots and corn stalks. They fought rats for the seeds stashed in their burrows.

At age 14 and just 45 pounds, Ji jumped between freight trains to steal coal. One time, faint with hunger, exhaustion and coal dust in sub-zero temperatures, he blacked out.

When he awoke, he was lying on the tracks, his left leg dangling by a tendon. He recalls trying to stanch the gushing blood, before realizing that three of his fingers had also been sheared off when a train ran him over.

Ji underwent a four-hour operation without painkillers or blood for transfusions, shrieking in agony as the surgeon sawed off bones. During his recovery, his family bought penicillin on the black market, he recalls, bearing the labels of a misappropriated UN aid shipment.

Ji says he spent 240 days in constant pain and considered killing himself to no longer burden his family. His siblings gave him their meager rations, which stunted their growth.

Crippled, Ji slipped into China, where “common animals were eating better than the humans in North Korea,” to beg for a few kilograms of rice.

On the way out, he was spotted by North Korean police, who confiscated his rice, beat him viciously and scolded him for “embarrassing our nation,” Ji remembers. In North Korea, the disabled are viewed as inferior and exist in the shadows, he said.

That injustice motivated Ji and his brother, in 2006, to cross the Tumen River into China to begin an arduous, 6,000-mile trek through Laos, Myanmar and Thailand and eventually, by plane, to South Korea.

Ji nearly drowned that day on the river, after falling into a deep seam. His brother yanked him out by his hair, he recalls. The pair later separated at Ji’s urging.

At one point on the journey, Ji was surrounded by Chinese police on a train. North Koreans passing through China aren’t considered refugees, but illegal trespassers. Once they are sent back home, they are tortured in labor camps.

Not able to speak Chinese or present valid identification, Ji bowed his head in prayer and stood silent. The three officers shot him disdainful looks but eventually left, he recalls.

Ji learned later that his traveling helper had told police that Ji was mentally ill and suffered from a movement disorder.

“If you touch him, he will go crazy and jump off the train,” the helper warned police.

Another time, while hobbling across the jungle, Ji cursed his lot as a North Korean when there are so many other progressive countries around the world. He vowed to work toward a reunified Korea so that no one would be forced to repeat his miserable journey.

Ji’s father, who tried to escape after the rest of the family, was caught and tortured to death. Officials carted off his body in a wheelbarrow and dumped it in the family’s empty house.

Upon arriving in South Korea, Ji received an artificial arm and leg courtesy of the South Korean government. At first, it was difficult to adjust, he remembered. In North Korea, “thank you” is reserved for the “Dear Leader.”

Over time, Ji earned his law degree and established NAUH, Now Action and Unity for Human Rights, a Seoul-based nonprofit that has rescued 270 North Korean defectors over seven years, from babies to senior citizens.

Private brokers charge upwards of $4,000 for the journey, which is paid out of South Korean welfare benefits that are provided to defectors when they enter the country. NAUH charges about half that amount, Ji said, working through an underground network. The organization doesn’t track where the defectors eventually settle.

NAUH also works to connect youth with quality education, camp activities and counseling. Some of these children are human trafficking victims, who were living under the radar in China due to the threat of being repatriated back to North Korea.

In January, Ji’s efforts were recognized by Trump in his State of the Union Address. The president praised Ji’s resilience as a “testament to the yearning of every human soul to live in freedom.”

DiSabatino happened to be in the audience for the State of the Union that night, after requesting a spare ticket from his friend, U.S. Sen. Chris Coons. He watched as Ji triumphantly raised his makeshift crutches, his final gift from his father.

Before the 2016 election, Trump was criticized for mocking a disabled reporter. Asked if he was concerned about the president’s attitude toward the disabled, Ji replied: “I felt that he was very sincere in his meaning of solving human rights violations.”

Both Ji and Kim were joined this week by Cholnam Choi, who, like Kim, goes by an alias because he fears government retribution against his family still living in North Korea.

Gathered in Badger’s home, the Cab students and several adults, including State Rep. Paul Baumbach, were warned not to snap any photos with Kim or Cholnam. A few shared images using cartoon smiley faces to mask the defectors’ identities.

Now 29, Cholnam escaped to South Korea 12 years ago, after hiding in an international school in Beijing. He eventually reunited with his father, whom he hadn’t seen in 15 years. After her husband defected, Cholnam’s mother worried about his safety. She told her toddler that his father had died

“It’s been too long for me to be proud of anything in North Korea,” Cholnam said through an interpreter.

The Delaware visit was part of a five-day tour that took the defectors to the U.S. Department of State and to New York City, where Ji met with a publishing company to discuss a possible biography.

International sanctions continue to batter the North Korean economy as commodity prices soar, Ji said. But he is optimistic that the flow of information from defectors and from North Korean workers exported to Russia has pierced Kim Jong Un’s propaganda machine.

“They are not loyal,” Ji said of average North Koreans. “The real life in North Korea is 1,000 times worse than what I’m telling people.”

Delaware, by contrast, is “quiet,” ”friendly” and welcoming,” he said. During the recent visit, the group ate at Bob Evans and Walt’s Chicken and shopped at the Christiana Mall, where Kim bought a wallet with an integrated cell phone charger.

Back in South Korea, Ji only communicates with North Koreans who use Chinese cell phones near the border. Any other interactions would place them in grave danger, he said.

Asked if he thought a planned Trump-Kim summit this spring would result in meaningful change, Ji expressed reservations. The North Korean regime is inherently untrustworthy, he said. Lipstick diplomacy is the norm.

If talks do happen, Trump would be the first-ever sitting American president to meet a North Korean leader.

DiSabatino, now a board member for NAUH, said he was hopeful — but pragmatic — about a possible truce.

“The idea that a maniacal madman who killed his own family, inflicted horror on the community and threatened the world with annihilation suddenly has an Easter Day epiphany?”

“In my faith,” he continued, “I believe that anything is possible.”

Ji calls DiSabatino his “brother” and jokes about erecting a statue to him in his hometown when North Korea and South Korea are one. He is hopeful that sustained international pressure will eventually drive Kim out of the country.

“No dictatorship can overcome so many people who are united,” he said.

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Information from: The News Journal of Wilmington, Del., http://www.delawareonline.com

Pete Buttigieg returns to first-in-the-nation South Carolina with a fresh appeal to Black voters

Orangeburg, South Carolina (CNN) — Pete Buttigieg has been to this small but historic city in South Carolina’s Midlands at least twice before, as an underdog presidential candidate in 2020 and then as the better-known transportation secretary under President Joe Biden in 2023.Now a private citizen eying a second White House bid, Buttigieg returned this weekend with renewed urgency, appealing to Black voters who have newly solidified influence in the 2028 nominating process and whom he failed to win over in his last presidential campaign.Buttigieg told party activists during a morning speech in Florence that Republicans were using redistricting as “the culmination of a generational project to dismantle Black representation.” He held a roundtable with students at a historically Black college where he discussed his idea of reparations for slavery. And during an evening speech to the storied NAACP branch here, he said President Donald Trump’s second term may feel all too familiar to activists who fought for civil rights in Orangeburg in the 1960s.“The mid-2020s does not represent our nation’s first experience with corruption and self-dealing, with bigotry and exclusion, with inequality and injustice, with undemocratic behavior or with political violence,” Buttigieg said, adding that prior struggles played out “not on some distant shore, but in places like Orangeburg.”With a midterm election looming where both parties are campaigning over the cost of living, Buttigieg chastised fellow Democrats whom he said prefer to prioritize economic concerns over tackling more fundamental questions about democracy. He argued that civil rights legends such as Martin Luther King Jr. and Rev. Jesse Jackson have shown that Americans “can — and we must — do both.”His trip to South Carolina, Buttigieg’s first since leaving the Biden administration, marked the beginning of a new phase of political maneuvering ahead of the next presidential election, with Buttigieg making a concerted effort to get in front of Black voters and demonstrating new bonafides from his transportation secretary tenure.It was also the first major visit by a potential 2028 candidate to the state since the Democratic National Committee voted on August 15 to keep it as the location for the first presidential primary in the nation, a nod to the political power of its large Black electorate.Buttigieg brushed off a question about his 2028 plans after his speech in Florence, telling reporters he is “totally focused on 2026.” But there were ample reminders of speculation about his next move on Saturday, including a scattering of homemade signs reading “PETE” and “2028” that sprung up when he took the stage. Surveying the enthusiastic crowd, he observed he should “come here more often.”One fan, 64-year-old retiree Karen Ench, wore a “Pete Buttigieg 2028” shirt to the speech. Contemplating his 2028 ambitions afterward, she said she thought he was “really taking it much more serious” and focusing on areas of improvement from 2020.A 2028 bid would undoubtedly start with higher expectations for the onetime mayor of South Bend, Indiana, compared to his first run.“The Pete Buttigieg of 2020 is not the Pete Buttigieg of 2026,” said Marlon Kimpson, a Black former state senator who backed Biden in the 2020 primary. “He has name recognition, he’s no longer introducing himself. I think people generally like Pete, and that’s a big deal in an open race because he starts out at a plus. But as we look at his economic agenda, just for the average South Carolinian, with emphasis on the African American community … and the political infrastructure he has deployed in our state, there will be questions with respect to those issues.”Buttigieg’s 2020 campaign, despite winning the Iowa caucuses with a much Whiter demographic, came to an end in South Carolina, dogged by his weaknesses with Black voters. After powerful South Carolina Rep. Jim Clyburn endorsed Biden and gave his flagging bid a shot of momentum that ultimately propelled him to the presidency, Buttigieg finished fourth in the Palmetto State and dropped out a day later.Biden received 61% support from Black voters in South Carolina, while Buttigieg got 3%, according to exit polls.Colleen Condon, a Charleston lawyer and longtime party activist who backed Buttigieg in 2020, said that “2020 is so hard to compare against” due to the unique circumstances of Clyburn’s support for Biden. Now, Condon, who is White, said, Democrats are “anxious for someone young and energetic” and noted Buttigieg would bring more experience to the 2028 race.“He has done a lot of work in the last eight years, (including) as secretary of transportation, in showing his ability to work on the federal level,” Condon said.‘What he’s actually done’In interviews across the state on Saturday, Black Democrats agreed Buttigieg’s experience as transportation secretary has distinguished him since he last sought their support. He played a high-profile role in promoting Biden’s bipartisan infrastructure law, visiting communities small and large across the country to announce funding for long-awaited projects.In Florence, Mattie Thomas, a member of the South Carolina Democratic Party executive committee, said she did not know about his time as mayor but now she sees him as “one of our best transportation secretaries.”“I think he’ll fare extremely well this go around because people, they’ve seen what he’s actually done,” Sandra Burgess Glover, a retired educator, said in Orangeburg as Buttigieg mingled with the dinner crowd before his speech.Buttigieg was showered with praise at the dinner for his June 2023 announcement in the city with Clyburn of a $23 million federal grant to better connect Orangeburg’s two HBCUs to downtown. Orangeburg Mayor Michael Butler prompted a standing ovation for Buttigieg when he brought up the project, calling it “a long time coming.”Deloris Frazier, a member of the Orangeburg County Council, embraced Buttigieg as he worked the crowd before the dinner, telling him that she keeps a photo in her home of the two of them from that day in 2023. She told CNN afterward that she’d support Buttigieg for president if he ran, joking that she would take the photo and “just blow it up and make it bigger.”Earlier Saturday, Buttigieg visited one of Orangeburg’s HBCUs, Claflin University, and held an hourlong roundtable with about 20 students. The conversation topics ranged from artificial intelligence to reparations for slavery, which was a litmus test in the 2020 primary.Buttigieg said he still supported legislation to create a commission to study reparations. But he said he learned as transportation secretary that the federal government could take “reparative” steps sooner, pointing to his efforts to combat decades-old urban planning that led to highways cutting across Black neighborhoods.“I have a perspective on that that I didn’t have before when I didn’t have a chance to work on federal policy,” Buttigieg said.Usir Jackson, the president of the Student Government Association, said afterward he found Buttigieg “down to earth” and “authentic.”Buttigieg, who took notes at some points, appeared moved when the roundtable topic turned to young voters feeling disillusioned – and Jackson shared why he still makes sure to vote.“I do it to respect people who came before me,” Jackson said, “so I could vote.”Hurdles remain with Black votersFor all the praise of his record in the Biden administration, some of Buttigieg’s admirers acknowledge he needs it to translate into far more Black voter support than he saw in 2020.While the crowd he spoke to in Orangeburg was overwhelmingly Black, the audience that came to see him earlier in the day in Florence, at the state Democratic Party’s Spratt Issues Conference, was mostly White.State Rep. JA Moore was a crucial Black supporter for Buttigieg in 2020 in South Carolina, backing him after then-California Sen. Kamala Harris dropped out. Moore said in an interview that any potential 2028 candidate needs to focus less on tailoring a message to Black voters and more on developing a “cadence” of regularly reaching out to them where they are.“What we call it is the difference between a ‘come here’ and a ‘been here,’” Moore said. “I think one of the things people missed about Joe Biden – he was a ‘been here’ in the sense that he had been coming to South Carolina for over 40 years.”Some Black Democrats said he may continue to face hurdles in the state as a gay man, an issue that came up in 2020 as he reached out to socially conservative church congregations. “This is the Bible Belt,” Thomas said matter-of-factly.“Sometimes they want to categorize a candidate or individual because of their sexual preferences,” said Brenda Montgomery, a 67-year-old training specialist from Lake City who saw Buttigieg in Florence. “But for me, he is everyone. He represents everyone, and I really like him as a person because he is approachable.”Buttigieg, whose crowd in Florence was dotted with some small rainbow flags, does not go out of his way to talk about his sexual orientation. But on Saturday, he spoke regularly about his two children, who are mixed-race, that he adopted with his husband, Chasten, noting fatherhood is the biggest personal change he has experienced since 2020.It’s a life change that would be put to the test by another grueling presidential campaign, which South Carolina Democrats see as likelier than ever. While he mostly avoided talk of 2028, he said in Florence that he was excited about South Carolina’s first-in-the-nation status and how it would spotlight the state’s diversity.Buttigieg has fielded the 2028 speculation by becoming one of the most prolific endorsers in the midterms, with an eye on supporting Black Democrats and Democrats running in Republican-leaning territory. He kicked off his South Carolina trip on Friday night by headlining a fundraiser in Charleston for Nancy Lacore, a retired Navy officer running for an open House seat in a district that Trump carried by 13 percentage points in 2024.Condon, the Democratic activist who helped host Buttigieg’s fundraiser for LaCore, said it was “extremely early, but I’m very inclined to” support Buttigieg again in 2028 if he runs.Moore said it was too early for endorsements but said he especially likes Buttigieg for at least one reason.Buttigieg “has the ability to learn and adapt,” Moore said. “I find that refreshing and appealing.”The-CNN-Wire™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.
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