Skip to main content

AP: Brazilians detail abuses by US church, shattered lives

SAO JOAQUIM DE BICAS, Brazil (AP) — At the Word of Faith Fellowship churches in the Brazilian cities of Sao Joaquim de Bicas and Franco da Rocha, the signs of broken families are everywhere: parents separated from their children, siblings who no longer speak, grandparents who wonder if they will ever know their grandchildren.

Over the course of two decades, the U.S.-based mother church took command of both congregations in Brazil, applying a strict interpretation of the Bible and enforcing it through rigorous controls and physical punishment, The Associated Press has found.

Many of the more than three dozen former members interviewed by the AP in Brazil said they live in perpetual fear of retribution. Some have sought psychological help. Others ask themselves how they put up with the abuse for so long.

Former member Juliana Oliveira remembers when life was normal in the Sao Joaquim de Bicas church, but that was years ago, before the Americans came from Spindale, North Carolina. Before the Brazilian traditions were stripped away, she said, and the screaming and beatings began.

“When you are in a cult, you don’t know you are in a cult because little by little it all becomes ‘normal,'” said Oliveira, 34. “It’s like a frog in a pot of water. By the time it’s boiling, he can’t jump out.”

The examination of Word of Faith Fellowship’s spread into Latin America’s largest country is part of the AP’s lengthy ongoing investigation into the evangelical church, founded in 1979 by Jane Whaley, a former math teacher, and her husband, Sam.

Based on exclusive interviews with dozens of former members, the AP reported in February that congregants in the U.S. were regularly beaten, punched and choked to “purify” sinners by expelling devils.

The AP also has detailed how Word of Faith Fellowship funneled a steady flow of young Brazilian members to the United States on tourist and student visas and forced them to work both at the church and companies owned by sect leaders.

Neither Whaley nor the pastors at both Word of Faith Fellowship branches in Brazil responded to requests for comment.

The church has nearly 2,000 members in Brazil and Ghana and its affiliations in Sweden, Scotland and other countries, in addition to 750 congregants in Spindale.

In Brazil, the takeover of the two churches was a slow evolution that culminated in drastic rules dictating almost every aspect of congregants’ lives, former members said.

Many of the edicts echoed Whaley’s mandates in North Carolina, such as a ban on wearing jeans and children talking to members of the opposite sex without approval.

In Franco da Rocha, former members said Whaley prohibited soccer as Brazil was getting ready to host the 2014 World Cup because she felt the church’s young males were focused on the event at the expense of God.

“We just dealt with a major ‘soccer devil’ down in Brazil two weeks ago,” Whaley told the Spindale congregation in a sermon transmitted to branches in Brazil and Ghana that was viewed by the AP.

When Oliveira was a teenager in the late 1990s, the evangelical school she attended was “strict but normal,” she said. The Bible was the guiding principle at Ministerio Verbo Vivo (Live Word), but general subjects were taught just like at any Brazilian school.

By the time she returned from college to teach at the school, life at Verbo Vivo was barely recognizable, said Oliveira, who broke with Word of Faith in 2009.

Schoolbooks reviewed by the AP show heavy redactions. Instead of human sexuality, for example, the life cycle is taught via plant reproduction.

“The influence of American pastors was getting stronger and stronger in the school and church,” Oliveira said, wiping away tears during an interview at her home in nearby Betim. “They stopped emphasizing the teaching of Portuguese, geography, mathematics — the normal things. It turned into mostly Bible study and a lot of abuse.”

Students deemed as “rebellious” were isolated from others during the school day, made to read the Bible or shouted at for hours to “expunge devils,” according to many former students and their parents.

When state inspectors visited, the long palm tree-lined driveway from the gate to the school provided plenty of time for school employees to pull out regular books and make things look “normal,” Oliveira said.

Over the years, former members say the Brazilian churches introduced physical assaults and “blasting” — a Word of Faith Fellowship practice where ministers and congregants surround members and scream in their faces for hours to drive out demons.

Flavio Correa said his oldest son was slapped so many times during a blasting session by pastors at the Franco da Rocha church that he suffered several cuts on his face.

“At the time I thought it was absurd, exaggerated,” said Correa, 52, who left the church last year after 23 years. “But I confided in them and you start to think it is good for the person. Today, I just think it’s stupid.”

___

THE TENTACLES INTO BRAZIL

Word of Faith Fellowship’s reach into Brazil began with John Martin, an American missionary who arrived in the late 1970s, married a local woman and served as pastor at a Baptist church near Belo Horizonte, one of the country’s largest cities.

Former members say Martin met Sam Whaley on an airplane in 1986, sparking a relationship that led both Whaleys and other ministers from Spindale to begin visiting Martin’s church.

Martin founded Verbo Vivo in Belo Horizonte in 1987 and, gradually, year by year, the Americans began to gain control of the parish, former members said.

In 2005, Martin moved his church to Sao Joaquim de Bicas, a small city about 45 minutes away. That same year, dozens of church families moved to a large plot of land in Betim, a small adjacent city.

Though land was cheaper outside Belo Horizonte, former members cite another motivation: Isolating the flock from the outside world.

Children attended school on church land — property ringed by an 8-foot-high fence topped with barbed wire — and returned home to a neighborhood with a manned gate and its own 8-foot-high fence.

Adult members had little contact with the outside world, going to work and returning straight home to the community. Some ex-members continue to live there, such as Juliana Oliveira’s family. Current congregants and former ones pass each other daily without speaking.

About 360 miles (580 kilometers) south, a similar transformation took place. Former members say evangelical pastors Solange Granieri and Juarez De Souza Oliveira, a married couple, met the Whaleys at a religious conference in Sao Paulo in the mid-1980s.

In 1988, De Souza Oliveira opened Ministerio Evangelico Comunidade Rhema, or Rhema Community Evangelical Ministry, which includes a church and a school, in the Sao Paolo suburb of Franco da Rocha.

Just as in Sao Joaquim de Bicas, congregants in the second branch were encouraged to buy land in a remote area outside the city, former members said. In both places, there was an emphasis on building close-knit communities modeled after the original sect in North Carolina.

In 2009, almost two decades after the founding of Verbo Vivo, the increasingly harsh treatment and strict rules imposed by the Americans led to a revolt by dozens of congregants in Sao Joaquim de Bicas.

Two Brazilian pastors left, contending in television interviews that Martin and the other American ministers who periodically visited were “brainwashing” and controlling congregants at Whaley’s behest.

Their departures created a rupture so great — and led to so many complaints — that the human rights committee in the Minas Gerais state legislature held hearings.

Two dozen ex-members testified about abuses, from forced isolation to being shaken and hit during services and at the church school. Former students recounted being spanked with wooden spoons and yelled at for extended periods in front of their classmates.

Andre Gustavo Morais de Oliveira, who is no relation to the other Oliveiras, testified he had been taken to Spindale four times as a teenager, starting at age 13. He said he was not put to work during the first trip, which lasted 27 days, instead spending his days praying and learning the church’s doctrine.

“The following trips, I was obligated to work as a painter, a gardener, everything for the sake of the sect,” he testified. When contacted by the AP, Morais de Oliveira stood by his testimony but declined to be interviewed.

Parents also testified that their children were sent to the U.S. and indoctrinated to the point that they turned against their families.

Eduardo Gonzaga, one of the pastors who left the church, said his 19-year-old son and 22-year-old daughter had broken off contact after traveling to North Carolina.

“Father, don’t try to speak to us anymore,” Gonzaga recounted them telling him during a phone call from Spindale on Father’s Day. All future communication must go through church leaders in Spindale, he was told.

Gonzaga testified that he tried repeatedly to reach his children, even traveling to Spindale. Since they are adults, he said, authorities could not intervene.

The hearings in Brazil created a stir, but ultimately no one was charged. Many of the abuse allegations came down to the word of former members against church officials, similar to the way investigations at the North Carolina parent church have stalled over the decades.

Martin, the lead pastor, denied the allegations and called the disciplinary rules “guidelines and not prohibitions,” according to news media reports at the time. He declined to offer fresh comment to the AP.

The turmoil did lead to at least one change: Former members said there was a sharp drop in Martin’s congregants, from about 600 to 300.

While the Franco da Rocha branch did not suffer the same internal strife, congregants who left in recent years estimate that the number of members there dropped from 700 a decade ago to 250 now.

Naara Abe, a member of the Franco da Rocha church for a quarter-century, said the dramatic changes in the church made her want to leave a decade ago but that she mustered the courage only last year.

The final straw, she said, was a conversation with Jane Whaley about her teenage son, who liked a fellow congregant but was not allowed to talk to her because the sexes are strictly separated. If she was a really good mother, Abe said Whaley told her, she would crack down on her son.

Today, Abe, 51, feels full of regret — from the birthdays not celebrated, because the church forbids it, to the tremendous strain on her marriage. Her husband, also a long-time member, had doubts about the church and argued for years that they should leave, she said.

“Little by little, the church makes you do more things, subtle things, that you don’t even notice,” said Abe, citing cutting off contact with friends who are not members.

“Then you are like a caged animal that no longer knows how to live outside,” she said.

___

Prengaman reported from throughout Brazil; Weiss from Spindale, North Carolina; Mohr from Jackson, Mississippi. Associated Press reporter Sarah DiLorenzo contributed from Sao Paulo.

___

The AP National Investigative Team can be reached at investigate@ap.org

___

Follow Weiss on Twitter at https://twitter.com/mitchsweiss

Follow Mohr on Twitter at http://twitter.com/holbrookmohr

Follow Prengaman on Twitter at https://twitter.com/peterprengaman

Pete Buttigieg returns to first-in-the-nation South Carolina with a fresh appeal to Black voters

Orangeburg, South Carolina (CNN) — Pete Buttigieg has been to this small but historic city in South Carolina’s Midlands at least twice before, as an underdog presidential candidate in 2020 and then as the better-known transportation secretary under President Joe Biden in 2023.Now a private citizen eying a second White House bid, Buttigieg returned this weekend with renewed urgency, appealing to Black voters who have newly solidified influence in the 2028 nominating process and whom he failed to win over in his last presidential campaign.Buttigieg told party activists during a morning speech in Florence that Republicans were using redistricting as “the culmination of a generational project to dismantle Black representation.” He held a roundtable with students at a historically Black college where he discussed his idea of reparations for slavery. And during an evening speech to the storied NAACP branch here, he said President Donald Trump’s second term may feel all too familiar to activists who fought for civil rights in Orangeburg in the 1960s.“The mid-2020s does not represent our nation’s first experience with corruption and self-dealing, with bigotry and exclusion, with inequality and injustice, with undemocratic behavior or with political violence,” Buttigieg said, adding that prior struggles played out “not on some distant shore, but in places like Orangeburg.”With a midterm election looming where both parties are campaigning over the cost of living, Buttigieg chastised fellow Democrats whom he said prefer to prioritize economic concerns over tackling more fundamental questions about democracy. He argued that civil rights legends such as Martin Luther King Jr. and Rev. Jesse Jackson have shown that Americans “can — and we must — do both.”His trip to South Carolina, Buttigieg’s first since leaving the Biden administration, marked the beginning of a new phase of political maneuvering ahead of the next presidential election, with Buttigieg making a concerted effort to get in front of Black voters and demonstrating new bonafides from his transportation secretary tenure.It was also the first major visit by a potential 2028 candidate to the state since the Democratic National Committee voted on August 15 to keep it as the location for the first presidential primary in the nation, a nod to the political power of its large Black electorate.Buttigieg brushed off a question about his 2028 plans after his speech in Florence, telling reporters he is “totally focused on 2026.” But there were ample reminders of speculation about his next move on Saturday, including a scattering of homemade signs reading “PETE” and “2028” that sprung up when he took the stage. Surveying the enthusiastic crowd, he observed he should “come here more often.”One fan, 64-year-old retiree Karen Ench, wore a “Pete Buttigieg 2028” shirt to the speech. Contemplating his 2028 ambitions afterward, she said she thought he was “really taking it much more serious” and focusing on areas of improvement from 2020.A 2028 bid would undoubtedly start with higher expectations for the onetime mayor of South Bend, Indiana, compared to his first run.“The Pete Buttigieg of 2020 is not the Pete Buttigieg of 2026,” said Marlon Kimpson, a Black former state senator who backed Biden in the 2020 primary. “He has name recognition, he’s no longer introducing himself. I think people generally like Pete, and that’s a big deal in an open race because he starts out at a plus. But as we look at his economic agenda, just for the average South Carolinian, with emphasis on the African American community … and the political infrastructure he has deployed in our state, there will be questions with respect to those issues.”Buttigieg’s 2020 campaign, despite winning the Iowa caucuses with a much Whiter demographic, came to an end in South Carolina, dogged by his weaknesses with Black voters. After powerful South Carolina Rep. Jim Clyburn endorsed Biden and gave his flagging bid a shot of momentum that ultimately propelled him to the presidency, Buttigieg finished fourth in the Palmetto State and dropped out a day later.Biden received 61% support from Black voters in South Carolina, while Buttigieg got 3%, according to exit polls.Colleen Condon, a Charleston lawyer and longtime party activist who backed Buttigieg in 2020, said that “2020 is so hard to compare against” due to the unique circumstances of Clyburn’s support for Biden. Now, Condon, who is White, said, Democrats are “anxious for someone young and energetic” and noted Buttigieg would bring more experience to the 2028 race.“He has done a lot of work in the last eight years, (including) as secretary of transportation, in showing his ability to work on the federal level,” Condon said.‘What he’s actually done’In interviews across the state on Saturday, Black Democrats agreed Buttigieg’s experience as transportation secretary has distinguished him since he last sought their support. He played a high-profile role in promoting Biden’s bipartisan infrastructure law, visiting communities small and large across the country to announce funding for long-awaited projects.In Florence, Mattie Thomas, a member of the South Carolina Democratic Party executive committee, said she did not know about his time as mayor but now she sees him as “one of our best transportation secretaries.”“I think he’ll fare extremely well this go around because people, they’ve seen what he’s actually done,” Sandra Burgess Glover, a retired educator, said in Orangeburg as Buttigieg mingled with the dinner crowd before his speech.Buttigieg was showered with praise at the dinner for his June 2023 announcement in the city with Clyburn of a $23 million federal grant to better connect Orangeburg’s two HBCUs to downtown. Orangeburg Mayor Michael Butler prompted a standing ovation for Buttigieg when he brought up the project, calling it “a long time coming.”Deloris Frazier, a member of the Orangeburg County Council, embraced Buttigieg as he worked the crowd before the dinner, telling him that she keeps a photo in her home of the two of them from that day in 2023. She told CNN afterward that she’d support Buttigieg for president if he ran, joking that she would take the photo and “just blow it up and make it bigger.”Earlier Saturday, Buttigieg visited one of Orangeburg’s HBCUs, Claflin University, and held an hourlong roundtable with about 20 students. The conversation topics ranged from artificial intelligence to reparations for slavery, which was a litmus test in the 2020 primary.Buttigieg said he still supported legislation to create a commission to study reparations. But he said he learned as transportation secretary that the federal government could take “reparative” steps sooner, pointing to his efforts to combat decades-old urban planning that led to highways cutting across Black neighborhoods.“I have a perspective on that that I didn’t have before when I didn’t have a chance to work on federal policy,” Buttigieg said.Usir Jackson, the president of the Student Government Association, said afterward he found Buttigieg “down to earth” and “authentic.”Buttigieg, who took notes at some points, appeared moved when the roundtable topic turned to young voters feeling disillusioned – and Jackson shared why he still makes sure to vote.“I do it to respect people who came before me,” Jackson said, “so I could vote.”Hurdles remain with Black votersFor all the praise of his record in the Biden administration, some of Buttigieg’s admirers acknowledge he needs it to translate into far more Black voter support than he saw in 2020.While the crowd he spoke to in Orangeburg was overwhelmingly Black, the audience that came to see him earlier in the day in Florence, at the state Democratic Party’s Spratt Issues Conference, was mostly White.State Rep. JA Moore was a crucial Black supporter for Buttigieg in 2020 in South Carolina, backing him after then-California Sen. Kamala Harris dropped out. Moore said in an interview that any potential 2028 candidate needs to focus less on tailoring a message to Black voters and more on developing a “cadence” of regularly reaching out to them where they are.“What we call it is the difference between a ‘come here’ and a ‘been here,’” Moore said. “I think one of the things people missed about Joe Biden – he was a ‘been here’ in the sense that he had been coming to South Carolina for over 40 years.”Some Black Democrats said he may continue to face hurdles in the state as a gay man, an issue that came up in 2020 as he reached out to socially conservative church congregations. “This is the Bible Belt,” Thomas said matter-of-factly.“Sometimes they want to categorize a candidate or individual because of their sexual preferences,” said Brenda Montgomery, a 67-year-old training specialist from Lake City who saw Buttigieg in Florence. “But for me, he is everyone. He represents everyone, and I really like him as a person because he is approachable.”Buttigieg, whose crowd in Florence was dotted with some small rainbow flags, does not go out of his way to talk about his sexual orientation. But on Saturday, he spoke regularly about his two children, who are mixed-race, that he adopted with his husband, Chasten, noting fatherhood is the biggest personal change he has experienced since 2020.It’s a life change that would be put to the test by another grueling presidential campaign, which South Carolina Democrats see as likelier than ever. While he mostly avoided talk of 2028, he said in Florence that he was excited about South Carolina’s first-in-the-nation status and how it would spotlight the state’s diversity.Buttigieg has fielded the 2028 speculation by becoming one of the most prolific endorsers in the midterms, with an eye on supporting Black Democrats and Democrats running in Republican-leaning territory. He kicked off his South Carolina trip on Friday night by headlining a fundraiser in Charleston for Nancy Lacore, a retired Navy officer running for an open House seat in a district that Trump carried by 13 percentage points in 2024.Condon, the Democratic activist who helped host Buttigieg’s fundraiser for LaCore, said it was “extremely early, but I’m very inclined to” support Buttigieg again in 2028 if he runs.Moore said it was too early for endorsements but said he especially likes Buttigieg for at least one reason.Buttigieg “has the ability to learn and adapt,” Moore said. “I find that refreshing and appealing.”The-CNN-Wire™ & © 2026 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.
Read Next Story