Skip to main content

Chocolate king tipped as Ukraine’s next president

NATALIYA VASILYEVA
Associated Press

UMAN, Ukraine (AP) — In Ukraine’s superheated political scene, presidential front-runner Petro Poroshenko cuts a notably cool figure.

The soft-spoken candy tycoon has a pragmatic bent and a penchant for compromise — which may be an asset for Ukraine as it tries to cool tensions with Russia while cultivating closer ties with the European Union.

Since independence in 1991, Ukraine’s politics has been dominated by figures holding dogmatic positions even to the point of self-destruction. Poroshenko, in contrast, gets criticized for lacking any obvious ideology, making him an enigma at a time when Ukraine is struggling to find a clear direction.

But as Ukraine struggles through a complex and frequently violent crisis, voters seem to think a flexible man is what the country needs right now. Opinion polls show the 48-year-old Poroshenko far ahead of the other 20 candidates in Sunday’s presidential election. His 35 percent support is not enough to win the first round outright, but the same polls indicate he’d win the runoff three weeks later.

The presidential election is a critical step for Ukraine. Russia, which the West alleges is fomenting the unrest in eastern Ukraine, claims the acting government is a junta. A credible election would bring a level of legitimacy to Ukraine’s government and undermine Moscow’s argument that it needs to intervene in the country’s affairs.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has cautiously endorsed the election, describing it as a “step in the right direction.”

Moscow, however, stopped short of endorsing any candidate and made it clear that it does not support anyone in particular, because it views the ouster of Russia-friendly president Viktor Yanukovych as illegitimate.

Poroshenko is a staunch EU supporter but says it’s important to mend ties with Russia quickly. Relations with Moscow should be equal and should not undermine Ukrainians’ desire for closer ties with the European Union, he says.

“We must build a relationship with our neighbor, Russia, in a way that they would first of all ensure the security of Ukrainian citizens,” he said on a campaign trail earlier this week. But “in order to speak with Russia as equals, we have to build a strong state.”

Facing criticism for his stint in Yanukovych’s government as economics minister in 2012, Poroshenko told the Ukrainian Korrespondent magazine last year that he was ready to “put his reputation at risk” in preparing the ground for a trade deal with the European Union.

Above all, it’s Poroshenko’s levelheadedness — after years of an almost soap opera-like atmosphere in Ukrainian politics — that seems to inspire hope in Ukraine.

“Poroshenko is a rational man and a realist who prefers negotiations to hostilities,” said analyst Vadim Karasyov. “Poroshenko is an industrialist; he’s not a man of ideology.”

Once elected, Karasyov says, he will be talking to the Kremlin and to Ukraine’s richest men, Rinat Akhmetov and Ihor Kolomoisky, in an effort to defuse the tensions and put an end to violence in the east.

Unlike many other Ukrainian billionaires, Poroshenko did not make his fortune in murky post-Soviet privatizations, but instead was seen to have built his chocolate empire brick by brick. His kingdom is not the coal mines with underpaid workers and poor safety standards, but Willy Wonka-like chocolate stores and candies on sale in every kiosk across the country. As a result, Poroshenko is largely perceived as the “good tycoon.”

Poroshenko, estimated by Forbes magazine to be worth $1.6 billion, wasn’t a leader of the massive protests that precipitated President Yanukovych’s ouster in February. Still he was the first of Ukraine’s tycoons to publicly support the demonstrations and has remained a prominent figure since then, as Ukraine has helplessly watched Crimea split off and join Russia, followed by pro-Russia insurgents seizing government buildings in the east and declaring independence.

Some see Poroshenko as a protean political survivor, others as an opportunist without loyalty to anyone but himself.

Poroshenko, who comes from the south of Ukraine, evenly divided between Ukrainian and Russian speakers, began his career in politics in 1998 as a lawmaker in a Russian-friendly party. In 2001, he was one of the founders of the Party of Regions, the political power behind Yanukovych.

Yet he soon parted ways with that party to throw his support behind the 2004 Orange Revolution that brought Yanukovych’s arch-rival Viktor Yushchenko to power. He served as Yushchenko’s head of the national security council, but stepped down within months amid allegations of corruption and after consistent feuding with Yulia Tymoshenko, then prime minister.

Tymoshenko, who lost the last presidential election to Yanukovych, is Poroshenko’s closest challenger in Sunday’s vote, attracting about 6 percent support.

Poroshenko later returned to government as foreign minister. And after Yanukovych became president, ousting the Orange Revolution team, Poroshenko served as economics minister for a few months in 2012.

Voters “see in him what they want to see,” said Karasyov, noting how Poroshenko’s line-crossing abilities appear to bolster his support.

Some Ukrainians admit they will be voting for him even though their hearts are elsewhere.

“I’m going to vote for him because he’s the only electable candidate in this election,” said 39-year-old businessman Yuri Asesorov. “It’s a technical choice because I would like to see other faces without a past in Ukrainian politics. But I’m going to vote for Poroshenko, for the future of Ukraine.”

If he does not inspire the devotion enjoyed by Tymoshenko and Yanukovych, whose rallies routinely featured weeping women, that may be a sign that Ukraine’s voters are maturing, said commentator Vitaly Portnikov.

“The majority of citizens are not expecting the new president to come and change everything, which means that there are more and more people among us who are ready to take on the responsibility for their lives and their country,” he wrote in the magazine Focus.

Poroshenko has been known as a dealmaker open to compromise. In March, he scored a major victory by forging an alliance with former boxing champion Vitali Klitschko who had been viewed as the strongest contender for the presidency. Klitschko endorsed Poroshenko as a presidential candidate while Poroshenko promised him support in the Kiev mayor campaign.

Although he allied himself with Ukraine’s pro-West demonstrations, Poroshenko has spoken against holding a vote on whether Ukraine should seek NATO membership. After Russia occupied Crimea ahead of the March secession referendum, pro-NATO sentiment spiked in much of Ukraine, but many in the eastern regions oppose it.

Like most other candidates, Poroshenko promises a wide devolution of powers that will allow regions to manage revenues, taxes as well as other issues on their own. Poroshenko says Ukraine should move fast to improve its investment climate and attract investors, which he sees as key to the country’s well-being.

Speaking at a campaign rally in Uman, about 200 kilometers (125 miles) south of Kiev, Poroshenko stressed the importance and even urgency of a first-round win — which remains a possibility given a last-minute surge in support for him.

“We need to unite in order to win as early as in the first round,” Poroshenko told hundreds of supporters. “A victory on May 25 will be our common victory. This means, on May 26 there will be a commander-in-chief, success in the operation in the east, an end to chaos.”

Volodymyr Melnichiuk, a 79-year-old pensioner, says he will be voting for Poroshenko because he seems to care about thousands of the workers he employs.

“He invested his time and health to make his fortune,” he said. “He’s a real master; he’s not an evil person.”

Copyright 2014 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

Don’t Settle for Student Loans to Pay for Online Education

Online college programs are becoming a more popular choice for prospective students, with one study finding that more than 6 million students enrolled in at least one online course in fall 2015. The popularity of these courses can be attributed in part to their flexibility with working adults' schedules, students' ability to progress more quickly through online programs and, oftentimes, cheaper tuition. [See 10 low-cost online bachelor's programs for out-of-state students.]Online degrees can be beneficial to many college students, but some studies have shown online learners complete their programs at lower rates than students at traditional brick-and-mortar campuses. Individuals with student loans but no degree comprise two-thirds of defaulted borrowers. Though these numbers are not encouraging, just like for traditional programs, there are ways to reduce how much you'll need to borrow for an online program to ensure you won't become one of these statistics. Don't just settle on borrowing student loans to cover the whole cost of your program and living expenses. Instead, start thinking about how to cut costs and cover your balance in different ways, such as the following. -- Grants and scholarships: Even though you are taking an online course, you can still apply and receive grants and scholarships. But your first step should be to complete the Free Application for Federal Student Aid, commonly referred to as the FAFSA, which will allow you to receive a Pell Grant if your expected family contribution is low enough. The EFC criteria and award amounts are adjusted annually, but the 2017-2018 academic year awards range from $606 to $5,920, which could significantly lower the amount you borrow annually. Your next step is to apply for scholarships. You can start by checking online scholarship search engines, such as the Salt Scholarship Search, College Board's BigFuture and Peterson's. But don't forget to take advantage of local organizations and your school's financial aid office. Both may offer scholarships that you can't find with a national scholarship search. [Review these 10 sites to kick off your scholarship search.]For instance, organizations like the Elks Club, Knights of Columbus or the Rotary Club typically offer scholarships annually to local students. Just because you're going to school online doesn't mean you're ineligible. Visit your local library for scholarship listings, and ask around town. You might be surprised how many local organizations offer scholarships. While these scholarships typically aren't large, every little bit counts. Each dollar you receive in a scholarship is a dollar you don't have to borrow and pay interest on. -- Work-study: Another option for online students may be work-study awards. Not all students enrolled in online programs are eligible, but students at some schools -- including, for example, SUNY Empire State College and Liberty University -- are. Work-study awards are not given upfront like scholarships and grants. In most cases, they are an offer to earn up to the awarded amount if you secure an eligible work-study job. While there is a misconception that all work-study jobs must be on campus, students can work for off-campus, nonprofit or public employers as long as the work is in the public's interest. You may be able to work for a for-profit employer if the job is relevant to your course of study. No matter who the outside employer is, it will need to have an established agreement with your college for you to receive work-study funds. Remember, to be eligible for federal financial aid, you must be enrolled and pursuing a degree or certificate. If you're not working toward a credential, Pell Grants and work-study won't be option, but you may still be able to take advantage of private scholarships -- just be sure to read the eligibility criteria carefully. [Explore what to know about financial aid in online programs.]-- Pay as you go: One of the great benefits to enrolling online is the flexible schedule, which can allow you to complete your college coursework around your responsibilities. But prospective students often overlook using their part- or full-time job earnings as an option for paying for college. Almost 80 percent of college students in 2015 worked at least part time while attending classes, according to the National Center for Education Statistics. By budgeting and thinking strategically about your college costs, you can likely reduce your dependence on student loans by paying a portion out of pocket. Many -- but not all -- online programs are less expensive than traditional programs and often have shorter payment periods. Six, eight or 10 weeks are common course durations. Because of the frequency of payments in an online setting, you may be well-placed to pay as you go and possibly avoid borrowing altogether. Attending college online and avoiding student loans may be challenging, but if you are willing to put in the effort, you can limit the amount you need to borrow. More from U.S. News Q&A: Understanding Student Loan Discharge Eligibility Student Loan Refinancing Isn't Right for All Borrowers
Read Next Story